Theko Tlebere
Last week, when I started this topic, I had forgotten that Parliament would reopen after a long festive break. But what I never anticipated was a Member of Parliament (MP) crossing the floor from the ruling party, the Revolution for Prosperity (RFP), to the opposition party, Democratic Congress (DC). Remember, the notion was to give a perspective on why balancing party affairs with those in government is critical at this time (when national elections are less than twenty-four (24) months away. And last week, as we published our article, a floor crossing was happening, and by the look of things, more might come in the coming weeks or months, hence the elitist timing of our article. This week, I shall focus solely on what a smart leader should do to finish his term strong and his political party remaining solid.
Mature leadership must establish deliberate institutional practices. The first balancing act involves creating a clear distinction between state functions and party competition. A leader of a ruling party must uphold the notion that government decisions, particularly regarding appointments and procurement, are governed by predictable procedures, not wielded as tools of factional rivalry. I should attest that, in my own accord, this does not imply that politics becomes entirely clean; rather, it becomes bounded. Practically, the leader should act in ways that diminish the likelihood of conspiracy theories. When decisions are consistent, documented, and logically explained, factions may still disagree, but they will find it difficult to frame every decision as evidence of persecution. Predictability serves not as a public relations tactic, but as a strategy for stability.
The second balancing act is to establish a legitimate, efficient, and trusted internal dispute resolution process. A party that cannot resolve its disputes internally risks outsourcing its unity to the courts. However, legal victories seldom restore political cohesion; they merely formalise winners and identify losers. When those who lose feel cornered, court decisions can trigger exits rather than reconciliation. The lesson is clear: internal mechanisms must be robust enough to resolve most disputes without resorting to judges. When courts become the default arbiters, the party is already in crisis mode.
The third balancing act is to approach the elective conference as an ongoing process rather than a one-time event.The moment you see ‘ho se hona le ba mang mang’ you must know such a party is in trouble. Lesotho’s parties often enter conference season with improvisation, disputed memberships, contested branches, and unresolved grievances, only to be surprised when the conference hall devolves into conflict. A governing party should prepare for a conference as rigorously as a state prepares for a national election: by verifying registers early, clarifying branch legitimacy, clearly defining delegate selection procedures, creating windows for dispute resolution prior to the conference, and ensuring that rules are not altered midstream to favour one faction. Arriving at the conference with contested registers and unresolved disputes means the party has already opted for conflict.
The fourth balancing act is preventing ministers and senior officials from becoming factional leaders. In many ruling parties, portfolios serve as platforms for building personal networks and amassing resources. Consequently, ministers often act as commanders of camps rather than servants of a collective mandate. This behaviour is not only unethical but also destabilising. The state should not host internal party conflicts; when it does, governance devolves into factional administration. A leader seeking longevity must cultivate a clear culture: government should not be treated as a tool for internal election campaigns. Cabinet decisions must be guided by collective responsibility, and the public service should be protected from becoming a battleground for party ambitions.
The fifth balancing act involves re-framing party discipline from a weapon into a rule-based system. While discipline is essential in parliamentary politics, it becomes problematic when it is personality-driven, selective, or retaliatory, as this fosters fear. Fear breeds scheming; when MPs and party officials perceive honest communication as betrayal, they shift from seeking internal solutions to devising exit strategies. In Lesotho’s political landscape, exits are often imminent, and when they occur within a ruling party, they quickly escalate into national governance issues.
Underlying these balancing acts is a crucial requirement that many parties overlook: a ruling party must possess a strong programmatic foundation to maintain cohesion beyond mere access to power. Parties that operate primarily as electoral machines are fragile because their unity depends on state access. Once that access is contested, their cohesion disintegrates. A stable ruling party invests in a programmatic identity, meaningful policy forums, and legitimacy gained through effective outcomes rather than mere proximity to the leader. This approach does not stifle ambition; instead, it channels ambition into institutional frameworks, providing members with reasons to remain committed even when they are not at the forefront of power.
Consequently, party stability is not solely an internal matter. In Lesotho, when ruling parties fracture, the state faces immediate repercussions. Policy continuity falters, reforms stall, and the public service becomes uncertain. Coalition relationships grow tense, investors perceive instability as a risk, and citizens experience delays in services, weak accountability, and leadership preoccupied with internal conflicts. The tragedy is that the country does not falter due to a lack of economic ideas; rather, it collapses because politics lacks robust institutions capable of managing power without self-destruction.
As the RFP enters the latter stages of its term, this challenge must be taken seriously. The party’s greatest risk may not stem from the opposition but from the emergence of internal competition in an institutional vacuum. The absence of an elective conference is not inherently a crisis; however, it becomes a risk when it suggests that internal democratic processes are being postponed without a clear and credible pathway that members can trust. In a system where conferences frequently trigger conflict, delays without institutional reassurances can instil the very anxiety that ultimately culminates in conflict.
Advice that not only applies to the current ruling party is that leadership should take charge and lead the parties. Such a phenomenon requires leadership that understands that balancing government power and party power is not just a matter of rhetoric; it is a strategic necessity. This involves establishing clear distinctions between state processes and party competition, creating credible internal dispute resolution mechanisms, preparing for internal elections with seriousness and transparency, preventing the government from being used as a factional weapon, and ensuring the dignity and political safety of those who lose internally. Most importantly, it demands a leader who can exercise authority without resorting to humiliation. Humiliation breeds enemies, and enemies lead to factions. Factions result in splits, splits create instability, and instability ultimately leads to failure.
Lesotho’s history may not dictate its future, but it offers valuable lessons. It teaches us that parties do not fail due to disagreement; they fail because disagreement is mishandled. They fail when ambition goes unchecked by rules. They fail when losing becomes unsafe. They fail when the state is wielded as a tool in internal conflicts. If the RFP wishes to complete its five-year term and establish a lasting political brand, it must learn a crucial lesson from our era of power splits: governing the country is not enough. A ruling party must also govern itself, with institutions strong enough to wield power without being corrupted by it. The Future is NOW!
Summary
- But what I never anticipated was a Member of Parliament (MP) crossing the floor from the ruling party, the Revolution for Prosperity (RFP), to the opposition party, Democratic Congress (DC).
- Remember, the notion was to give a perspective on why balancing party affairs with those in government is critical at this time (when national elections are less than twenty-four (24) months away.
- And last week, as we published our article, a floor crossing was happening, and by the look of things, more might come in the coming weeks or months, hence the elitist timing of our article.
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