Liteboho Motšekalle
Over time, I have come to learn and accept that Basotho National Party (BNP) leader and Member of Parliament (MP) Honourable Machesetsa Mofomobe possesses a deep well of intelligence on any national affairs of this country and the skeletons of elites. Dislike him or not, often what he reveals is factual and makes him a strong opposition. His recent revelation is about accusations of rape levelled against the Lesotho Defence Force (LDF), of which it has confessed to the incident occurring during a youth bootcamp. This has ignited a strong public discussion on social media. Whereas some people express their doubt in LDF to implant discipline and morals into the young generation, proponents defend the initiative, arguing that the physical rigour is beneficial for children. In fact, a parent indicated that her son, who has been to it, appreciates mostly this element of the program.
Nonetheless, these deliberations cannot be separated from LDF’s profound violent history and their refusal to be held accountable. Though being democratically elected, Lesotho’s Prime Ministers and political leaders consistently seek their legitimacy from the military. None has illustrated the political willingness to reconfigure the precarious tradition of cosying up with the army bosses. It is a measured relationship that massively benefits the Prime Minister in clinging to power, but a short-sighted pact that begets a perennially rogue army and a violent political climate for this country.
Since its inception, the LDF has been a rogue security agency that rejects transparency and accountability. It has been entangled in the web of its politicisation and militarisation of politics. It has a history of deviating from primary roles to fuel coup d’états, army mutinies, violent political party conflicts and human rights violations, further inviting the intervention of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) on several occasions. The most recent episode of this is the 2014 to 2017 crisis. In this period, the currently jailed Lieutenant General Tlali Kamoli was at loggerheads with the then incumbent Prime Minister Motsoahae Thomas Thabane and his brutally assassinated successor posthumously Lieutenant General Maaparankoe Mahao.
At the core of the dispute, it was his expulsion as LDF Commander as well as his ingratiating himself with some political elites. LDF became extremely instrumental for political elites to dodge accountability, as the then incumbent Deputy Prime Minister, Mothejoa Metsing, famously put it, the army put their “neck on the block’’ for them.
During this series of violent mayhem, scholar and my former lecturer, Dr Tlohang Letsie, produced a satisfactorily brilliant and detailed action research titled, Demilitarising The Mountain Kingdom: An Action Research Project In Lesotho. While I find Dr Letsie’s research plausible, not far-fetched and absolutely indispensable reckoning we are an enclave of South Africa, Lesotho will never have a robust dialogue and proceed to demilitarise because of the power bromance between prime ministers and army commanders. It is the prime impediment to our demilitarisation path.
In the context that we will not demilitarise, the LDF Bootcamp is an initiative in the right direction for LDF as an institution to integrate itself into society. Of course, LDF is still marred by the accusations of meting violence upon civilians, corruption scandals, embezzlement of bootcamp funds, and latest being the rape of children in the bootcamp. To some people, these are enough reasons to discard the LDF Youth Bootcamp.
The young generation is adrift and lacks role models and mentors. Our societal structures are dismantled due to economic hardships. Families and community structures have cracks, and the people who they are supposed to emulate are unavailable. Education is rendered valueless by the proliferating unemployment of graduates, and also adults glorify alcohol and clubbing, adversely influencing the young people.
In my view, I contend that the discipline and moralisation aim cannot entirely be outsourced to LDF; however, the bootcamp does have the potential to slightly fill some gap that currently exists by disciplining, educating and instilling some values and principles into the youth. It can also give them motivation, clarity and a distinctive perspective about their plans. For this project to have a reflective impact on the youth, both the society and LDF must devote themselves to the truest transformation. Our society must evolve beyond patriarchy toward humanity for all genders. And consequently, LDF as an institution must reform for this program to outlive the sitting bosses, be institutionalised and liberate itself from Gender Based-Violence (GBV) occurrences. It must approach sociopolitical and economic afflictions of our country with different lenses and proscribe violence as an instant response, always. It must learn to hold itself accountable and be transparent. Because so far, the LDF’s response to this rape incident is appalling.
Summary
- Over time, I have come to learn and accept that Basotho National Party (BNP) leader and Member of Parliament (MP) Honourable Machesetsa Mofomobe possesses a deep well of intelligence on any national affairs of this country and the skeletons of elites.
- It is a measured relationship that massively benefits the Prime Minister in clinging to power, but a short-sighted pact that begets a perennially rogue army and a violent political climate for this country.
- In the context that we will not demilitarise, the LDF Bootcamp is an initiative in the right direction for LDF as an institution to integrate itself into society.
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